On March 9, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni sent an email to video asking Italians to approve constitutional changes in a referendum to be held on March 22 and 23. Although members of his right-wing government have been pushing for the move for months, this was the first time Meloni himself had publicly endorsed the rights amendment. Many viewers were surprised that it took him so long.
The reform will more clearly separate the roles of judges and prosecutors, which currently overlap, and establish strong monitoring mechanisms for both. Critics say the changes are aimed at weakening the judiciary – a politically motivated move from a right-wing coalition that sees the judiciary as too liberal. Supporters say it will make the judiciary more accountable.
On March 9, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni sent an email to video asking Italians to approve constitutional changes in a referendum to be held on March 22 and 23. Although members of his right-wing government have been pushing for the move for months, this was the first time Meloni himself had publicly endorsed the rights amendment. Many viewers were surprised that it took him so long.
The reform will more clearly separate the roles of judges and prosecutors, which currently overlap, and establish strong monitoring mechanisms for both. Critics say the changes are aimed at weakening the judiciary – a politically motivated move from a right-wing coalition that sees the judiciary as too liberal. Supporters say it will make the judiciary more accountable.
By keeping a low profile and maintaining that the reform vote is about the judiciary and not the popularity of his cabinet, Meloni hoped to prevent it from becoming a referendum on his government and protect his image in case he loses. It was also an attempt to prevent major divisions or cabinet changes. But that calculation seemed to change when the US and Israel launched their joint attack on Iran on February 28.
With the Iran war—that is very unpopular among the Italian public—monopolizing media attention, interest has waned in a referendum whose results depend on participation. Meloni, who is proud of what he called “preference“The relationship with the President of the United States Donald Trump, has he kept his distance cautiously from his movements. In a speech before the Senate on March 11, Meloni has been defined US-Israeli attacks as part of a “structural crisis in the international system” where “unilateral interventions outside the scope of international law are increasing.”
He also condemned the killing of at least 175 people in a missile attack on a girls’ primary school in southern Iran on February 28. An ongoing investigation has shown that the strike was the result of wrong targeting by the US military. New York Times information.
Still, polls show that Meloni’s proximity to Trump — and, by extension, the war — is undermining his popularity. In this context, he cannot afford to go back a second time in the election. Now, Meloni seems to push the vote to the main stage.
Meloni introduced constitutional reforms last year to improve Italy’s sluggish judicial system. Trials can last for years, often being dismissed without a verdict. Critics on the right argue that this inefficiency is due, in part, to judges having too much power. This position is a legacy of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, who accused the judiciary of political bias while himself facing numerous corruption cases. The left, which has long viewed the judiciary as a counterbalance to Berlusconi’s power, is moving towards the judiciary.
The amendment would restructure the judiciary by enforcing a mandatory separation between judges and prosecutors. In theory, this would clarify the role of prosecutors as accusers and the role of judges as arbitrators and address issues that judges with prosecutorial backgrounds may be more inclined to judge.
The proposed reform would also reform the Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura (CSM)—the judicial self-governing body responsible for the recruitment, promotion, and transfer of judges and prosecutors—by splitting it into two bodies, one for judges and one for prosecutors. The CSM is currently made up of members elected by their peers within the judiciary, as well as lay members, such as law professors and experienced lawyers, who are elected by parliament.
Under the proposal, some members of the jury would be chosen by lottery. The amendment will also establish a High Disciplinary Court to rule on allegations of judicial misconduct, a role currently handled by the CSM. Supporters say this change would make the court more accountable and free from conflicts of interest.
“The reform allows the judiciary to move towards a more transparent system of self-regulation than before, because the lottery removes the barriers of external power and influence,” said Andrea Del Corno, a Milan lawyer and member of the “yes” vote. committee.
Del Corno disputed critics’ claims that introducing a lottery system would lower CSM’s standards. Random selection, he said, could prevent the influence of private organizations and political voting—a feature of the process in Italy, where candidates for CSM seats often run for affiliation with certain parties or “the current.”
“It’s far from perfect,” Del Corno said. “But I believe that these reforms can mark a step forward for the judicial culture of this country.”
However, critics of the proposal argue that it will weaken the judiciary. Davide Steccanella, a lawyer in Milan campaigning against the reform, said “it is intended to punish judges and prosecutors.” He warned that introducing a lottery to appoint CSM members would set an unnecessary “double standard” if it was only applied to judges and prosecutors and not ordinary members, who make up one third of the CSM.
In Steccanella’s opinion, this would destroy the independence of the judiciary while allowing politicians, who would retain the power to choose their representatives through a majority vote in parliament, to remain untouched. “You either use the system for every member, or you don’t use it at all,” he said.
Former conservative leaders openly attacked the court. But Meloni has taken a subtle approach, wanting to capitalize on public dissatisfaction with the justice system. Meloni has now cited controversial decisions to build support for reform. In his speech before the Senate on March 11, he is mentioned decision of the Court of Appeal of Rome beat him plan to deport migrants to Albania as evidence that the judiciary is too liberal.
Valerio Valentini, political analyst and journalist He Posthe said Meloni has his own “two bullies”: Matteo Renzi and Berlusconi, former prime ministers who pushed for judicial reform. Meloni does not want to end up like Renzi, whose political career it has collapsed after investing his image in a failed referendum; he also wants to avoid repeating Berlusconi’s mistakes by clashing publicly with the courts and creating a justice system. movement on the left side.
In order for Meloni’s plan to succeed, his supporters need to show up in large numbers in the polling stations to face those who will take advantage of the referendum to vote against the government. However, the Iran war has raised more pressing issues for Italians, such as rising oil prices, inflation, and the possibility of being drawn into the conflict.
“In the face of major events such as war, the referendum on the judiciary will take a back seat,” said Paolo Natale, a sociologist at the University of Milan. “The fewer people talking about it, the fewer people will turn out to vote.”
A little involvement can hurt Meloni. Opinion polls show that the referendum has a good chance of passing with a large number of voters. Right-wing voters may be less interested because the vote, in their view, does not directly affect the government. At the same time, the liberals seem stronger, because they fear that judicial reform would give the government more power and because they interpret the referendum as a vote against Meloni.
Natale said the prime minister is also paying a price for his closeness to Trump. Although Meloni often portrays himself as “Trump’s whisper,” public opinion poll exhibition that the Italians do not respect him very much. His approval rating among Italians fell sharply following the attacks on Iran, from 35 percent this time last year to 19 percent as of a poll published March 16. Meloni’s relationship with Trump may be contributing to the drop in his approval ratings, which have fallen from a high of 45 percent in November to 37.5 percent today.
Meloni’s government has followed a few constitutional principles correction since he took power in 2022, but none of these attempts have made it to the referendum stage. The upcoming vote could be Meloni’s last chance to make permanent constitutional changes before the legislative term ends next year. On March 12, he told an audience in Milan that if the referendum doesn’t pass, “we won’t have another chance.”
And while a win could strengthen Meloni’s government, a defeat would—perhaps for the first time—call his invincibility aura into question. So far, Meloni has bucked the trend that worries many European leaders hold back while in office; his party, the Italian Brothers, still leading in all votes.
A “no” victory in the referendum could be the first sign that the political winds are changing in Italy—and while Meloni has said he will not resign if he loses, such a result could open the door for opposition parties to form a formal coalition for the next election, expected in 2027. If Meloni can convince his supporters to turn out for the election.
