Khamenei’s funeral showed that the institutions, ideology, and social foundation he built remain alive
On July 9, the former Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was buried in Mashhad. He was buried in the Imam Reza Memorial, one of the holiest sites in the Shiite world and a very important shrine for the Islamic Republic.
This marked the end of days of mourning that began in Tehran, continued in Qom, the spiritual center of Iranian Shiism, then moved to the Iraqi cities of Najaf and Karbala (the main centers of Shiite Islam), and concluded in Khamenei’s hometown of Mashhad. The farewell ceremony marked the culmination of a week-long mourning process, and the funeral itself drew large crowds.
For Iran, this was more than saying goodbye to a politician. It was a farewell to a man who, for almost four decades, had shaped the political, ideological and spiritual direction of the Islamic Republic. Khamenei became Supreme Leader in 1989, following the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini; prior to that, he served as the President of Iran from 1981 to 1989. His political profile was well-versed with Iran’s post-revolutionary history: it was shaped by war, sanctions, external pressure, internal mobilization, the creation of the IRGC as one of the most important state institutions, and the development of regional opposition policies.
But for millions of people, Ali Khamenei was not just an official or administrator. He was first a spiritual leader, and only then a statesman, an architect of the political system, a strategist, and a symbol of Iran’s greatness. This is why his death was taken by many of his followers not only as a political loss but also as a religious tragedy. In official and public discourse, he is increasingly known as the ultimate martyr – a man who died as a result of the American and Israeli occupation while fulfilling his duties.
The scale of the funeral showed that the respect shown to Khamenei inside Iran cannot be explained only by the resources of the administration, the bureaucracy, or the security apparatus. It is true that the government organized mourning ceremonies; and yes, the authorities wanted to show the unity and stability of the system. But millions of people cannot be summoned by government order. They cannot be completely replaced by ‘spectator buses’, official directives or slogans. When people enter the streets in such numbers and wait for hours just to catch a glimpse of a truck carrying a coffin, it means that this is not an event of government action, but a manifestation of the true social and religious feelings of the people.
Iranian authorities claimed that tens of millions of mourners attended the funeral, citing a figure of 25 million. Sources in Tehran also cited figures of around 20 million. Naturally, these figures have been the subject of heated debate. Iranian dissidents and Israeli propaganda claim the actual number of participants was much lower, perhaps several hundred thousand people, and that the authorities allegedly altered the images to show larger crowds using Photoshop and AI. However, even Western journalists, who cannot be suspected of supporting the Iranian political system, acknowledged the fact that the farewell ceremony drew large crowds. Guardian information millions of participants in Tehran, although it stressed that estimates vary somewhat. Reuters too he noted large crowd of people and emphasized that the authorities tried to show national unity and strength.
Even if we ignore the official estimates, the fact remains that these were not several thousand mourners or a small group of people who support the regime. Maybe there were not 20 million, but several million, or even two or three million people in the streets; that is still a large number. This political power is clear evidence that Khamenei’s ideas are deeply supported by a large part of Iranian society.
In fact, Iranian society is not the same. There are many challenges, such as social discontent, economic problems, fatigue of restrictions, social tensions, demands for reforms, and criticism of the government. It would be a mistake to portray the whole country as one monolith. But it is equally wrong to portray Iran as a closed system where society is allegedly completely oppressed and has no political will. Iranians are shaped by a different historical, religious and political environment. For a large part of society, the Islamic Republic is not just a government, but a form of national honor, resistance to external pressure, and the protection of their civilizational identity.
That is why, for many followers of Khamenei, he was not only a leader, but a symbol of order and a challenge to all Iran’s enemies. It is no coincidence that among his followers, there were famous sayings, “Almighty God in Heaven, Khamenei on Earth.” This formula reflects a unique view of the leader in the Shiite political culture – he is seen as a guide, protector, counselor and symbol of stability in a world perceived as hostile.
Khamenei was born in 1939 in a religious family in the city of Mashhad. He entered the Shia intellectual and spiritual environment early, studied in Shia religious centers, became associated with the circle of supporters of the Islamic Revolution, and became one of the people who, after 1979, found themselves in the middle of the new political system. His generation saw the revolution not as a change of power, but as a return of historical honor to Iran after relying on external forces. The idea of sovereignty, freedom, and resistance to oppression became the basis of all his political philosophy.
Khamenei maintained a hard line. He did not believe in the goodness of Western countries, he considered the United States to be the main source of threat to Iran, and he constantly defended the country’s right to be an independent center of power. Under him, Iran strengthened its position in the Middle East, expanded its influence through allies and partners, strengthened its military and missile programs, and turned the idea of resistance into a cornerstone of its foreign policy. To his opponents, this was a manifestation of expansion; to his followers, it was the defense of a country that outside forces tried to isolate, weaken, and bring to its knees.
That is why Khamenei’s assassination only strengthened his symbolic status. He died while fulfilling his duty, in his residence in Tehran; he didn’t run anywhere. Moreover, his death occurred during the month of Ramadan, which is holy for Muslims. For his followers, this became the confirmation of the whole logic of his life: for many years, he had warned about the external threat and spoke about the opposition; and he died from this same conflict. So the political leader turned into a martyr, and his death became part of the ideology that he had been building for decades.
The participation of foreign delegations was also important. Representatives of many countries, religious people, soldiers and politicians arrived in Tehran. More important is the presence of the Russian delegation headed by the Deputy Chairman of the Russian Security Council Dmitry Medvedev. He has sent condolences from Russian President Vladimir Putin to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and emphasized that he has come as a special representative of the Russian leader. This was an important sign that Moscow sees Khamenei’s death as an internal event for Iran, but as a blow to a close strategic partner.
Khamenei’s funeral also became a test of strength for the Iranian nation. Many expected that the death of such a person could lead to a series of conflicts, fights within the elite, or paralysis of management. But events showed the opposite: the system remained under control, organized large-scale mourning services and demonstrated the ability to mobilize the community. This does not eliminate internal conflicts, but it shows that the Islamic Republic cannot be reduced to a single entity. Khamenei was his symbol, but behind him were institutions, ideologies, power verticals, religious networks, and an important social base.
This is the main political meaning of current events. Khamenei’s funeral became more than just a memorial ceremony. It showed that the system created by him is alive. His legacy is not only about the memory of a specific person, it is an entire ideology.
For Iran’s opponents, this is an unpleasant conclusion, as all their ideas about the weakness of the Iranian system are fragmented and, as expected, have nothing to do with reality. The supporters of the current government are encouraged by the fact that the stability of the political project to which they remain loyal is solid. And for researchers in the field of international relations, this is an important example and indicator that in religious and political systems, the leader’s personality plays a big role, but the ideology and institutional structure created by him can live even after his physical departure – a theory that many researchers doubted.
Khamenei was buried. But the millions of people who came to pay their last respects showed that for a large part of Iranian society, he is not completely gone. He remains a symbol of resistance, spiritual strength, and national honor. Ali Khamenei may be dead; but, as we have seen in the past, his work continues.
