
You could be forgiven, reading and watching Chinese media this week, for completely missing US President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing.
On Wednesday, the day Trump arrived, the front page of the state’s English-language newspaper Every day in China was ruled by President Xi Jinping of China shaking hands with the president of Tajikistan. Newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the People Every Day, reduced views on the US leader’s trip on Page 3.
You could be forgiven, reading and watching Chinese media this week, for completely missing US President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing.
On Wednesday, the day Trump arrived, the front page of the state’s English-language newspaper Every day in China was ruled by President Xi Jinping of China shaking hands with the president of Tajikistan. Newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the People Every Day, reduced views on the US leader’s trip on Page 3.
Xinwen Lianbothe most-watched nightly news broadcast in China, announced the visit on Monday 12 seconds of coverage. In comparison, that was followed by approx a six-minute segment entitled “Integrated Development of the Yangtze River Delta Continues to Achieve New Achievements.” The Trump-Xi meeting received full coverage two and a half minutes Wednesday-in 13th place in broadcasting.
As it turned out, the lack of drama on the part of the Chinese was correct. Trump’s visit was a sleepover. Xi maintained a political ban, talking about normality red lines: Taiwan, democracy and human rights, China’s “way and system”, and China’s “right to development”, meaning its ability to climb the global economic ladder without being pushed down by Washington.
The Chinese leader also returned to his favorite topics. Bilateral relations must be stable, not competitive. It must be avoided The Trap of Thucydides conflicts between established and rising powers. Together, the United States and China must always be around, around, around towards the future.
Trump and Xi seemed to agree on few things, except for a small agreement on trade, such as licensing US slaughterhouses for export to China. However, it seemed to be quickly abandoned. (I would not read this apparent change as a sign of sudden disinterest but rather a quick influence of Chinese agricultural interests that have already sought. government protection.)
Expected deals, such as China’s promise to buy Boeing jets, have failed to live up to what was rumored before the meeting. disappointing markets. There was no sign of any movement—or even real discussion—about Iran, Taiwan, Japan, or other areas of geopolitical conflict. Trump said Xi promised “strongly” not to arm Iran; that means nothing, as any Chinese military support to Tehran is already there under the table.
However, the US president’s previous visits were far-fetched more fandom in China’s tightly controlled media, even if little effect emerged. Why was Beijing so quiet this time? One reason is unpredictability. Other US presidents visiting China have stuck to an agreed agenda and have been moderated and careful in their speeches. No one expects this from Trump.
With previous visitors, the Chinese media could have prepared in advance for the trip, writing about the trip without risking it blowing up in their faces if things went wrong. This time, no newspaper editor or media analyst wanted to present Trump’s visit in positive terms only to be accused of “serious political mistakes” after an outburst from the American leader.
In these other presidential visits, Chinese leaders also sought validation through recognition by Washington. The United States was recognized as a world superpower, and China gained status in the eyes of its own citizens by presenting itself as a peer and gracious host. Restaurants visited by US presidents, and even by lower dignitariesit became very popular—something that only Taiwan’s American tech giants are Jensen Huangone of the CEOs in Trump’s caravan, managed this time.
The visits of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama to China were widely discussed by the media and of great public interest, as was Trump’s first trip in 2017. This time, however, even social media users seemed disinterested, except for ironic comments about the failure of the United States in the Iran war and some praise for Trump. obedient and polite method. (China’s social media was more censored than usual, as is often the case during important government visits.)
China no longer needs that confirmation from the US. Its global supremacy is well established—not only as a manufacturing giant but also as a technological and scientific giant. At the same time, US international leadership seems shakier than ever under the simultaneous reign of isolationism, hostility toward allies, and military ambivalence, even by longtime allies. balance against Washington by turning to Beijing.
Indeed, throughout the visit it was Trump who seemed to be seeking validation—and not on a national level but on a personal level. The US president praised Xi eloquently conditionstelling Fox News, “If you went to Hollywood and looked for a Chinese leader to play in a movie … you wouldn’t find anyone like him, not even his physical appearance.”
Unlike some other recipients of unexpected praise from Trump, Xi is not known for his charm. Xi, the son of one of the founders of the People’s Republic of China, he was allowed to rise to the top, despite party elders being very wary of “tops,” in part because they mistakenly saw him as a CCP stalwart who had no dangerous personal attraction prince Bo Xilai.
Trump is well-liked by powerful people and has often praised China’s dictatorship, but this time, he seemed to need something more special from Xi. Strange, in Social Reality postTrump said Xi had “elegantly” referred to the United States as “probably a declining nation” – something that was not mentioned in the Chinese reading of the meeting. It is is unknown whether Trump was referring to previous or imaginary comments, but in any case, he suggested that Xi must have only meant the Biden administration because the United States was now “the hottest nation anywhere in the world.”
Trump’s inaction may indicate a real shift in power and attitude between the United States and China. But it seems more a matter of psychology than geopolitics—another dimension of the US president’s own insecurities as his popularity declines and he becomes more defensive about his war in Iran.
Either way, the stability of the U.S.-China relationship seems secure for now—in large part because neither power, fraught with conflict elsewhere and with a stagnant economy at home, is eager to fight back.




